In soccer, the most humiliating mistake a player can make is the own goal — kicking the ball into the net you’re supposed to be defending. For Republicans, their own goal was Donald Trump.
Terrified of his MAGA voting bloc, Republican congressmen abandoned their constitutional duty of checks and balances. They kissed the ring, rubber-stamped his Cabinet picks, and confirmed judges without scrutiny. In doing so, they surrendered their power — not to the people, but to one man.
The result was a Cabinet filled with incompetence. Loyalty tests replaced qualifications. Pete Hegseth, among others, became emblematic of this rot — a figure whose reckless decisions may one day be judged in the harsh light of accountability. Meanwhile, scandals were buried, Epstein files delayed, and oversight abandoned, all to avoid the wrath of Dear Leader. This wasn’t governance. It was capitulation. And like any own goal, the damage was self-inflicted.
The consequences of this submission are now plain. By elevating loyalty over competence, Republicans enabled chaos, and did nothing to lower the cost of living for working-class people. Families struggling with rent, groceries, and healthcare found no relief from a party too busy protecting Trump’s ego to protect their constituents. The GOP’s obsession with appeasement left ordinary Americans footing the bill for dysfunction.
And then came the moment that crystallized the absurdity: Nobel-snubbed Donald Trump accepting the inaugural “FIFA Peace Prize.” A made-up gold trophy, a medal, and a certificate — handed to a man whose tenure was marked by division, not diplomacy. It was a parody of statesmanship, a photo op masquerading as honor. The image of Trump smirking beside a bewildered FIFA official will live on as the perfect metaphor for the GOP’s descent — a party so committed to the illusion of victory that it mistook satire for achievement.
Now, the scoreboard is shifting. Miami just elected a Democratic mayor for the first time in 30 years. That victory is more than symbolic; it is a crack in the dam. Gerrymandering won’t save the GOP in 2026 when voters connect the dots: Republicans chose to confirm incompetence, cover up corruption, and ignore the economic pain of working families. The floodgates are opening, and history will remember not just Trump’s failures, but the complicity of those who enabled him.
The irony is rich. In their desperation to protect themselves from Trump’s base, Republicans scored against their own team. They weakened their brand, alienated moderates, and set the stage for a blue wave in 2026 and a blue tsunami in 2028. Miami is the first ripple, but it won’t be the last.
The GOP thought they were defending their net. Instead, they kicked the ball straight in. And history will record the Trump era not as a victory, but as the greatest own goal in American politics.
I grew up in a conservative household, but my parents were progressive in how they treated people who weren’t like themselves. They taught me to respect others, regardless of race or background. Still, as a child, I carried the subtle belief that people of different races were somehow different from me.
One evening, my family went out to dinner at Beefsteak Charlies, a modest restaurant that catered to families. At the table next to us sat a Black family. I remember looking at their teenage son and feeling uneasy—my first impression was shaped by the fact that he was Black. He seemed intimidating to me.
Then, his mother asked him to take his younger brother to the bathroom. He stood up and asked his brother, “Do you have to do pee pee or boom booms?” In that moment, everything changed. I realized that my fear had nothing to do with who he was, but with my own bias. His words were the same silly phrase I might have used myself. Suddenly, I saw how much we were alike.
That was a great day for me. It was the moment I understood that racism isn’t just about hatred—it’s about assumptions, impressions, and the walls we build in our minds. And those walls can crumble in an instant when we recognize our shared humanity.
A friend of mine, a kind, generous man raised in a white household, never had that moment. He sees a difference where I now see similarity. I believe change happens one mind at a time. If we can share stories that reveal our common humanity, we can help others break free from prejudice.
Racism doesn’t end through arguments or statistics. By winning four gold medals at the 1936 Olympics in Berlin, Jesse Owens singlehandedly disproved the Nazi propaganda that white German athletes were superior to black athletes. That powerful display, however, didn’t open Hitler’s eyes to how wrong his racist ideas were. Racism only ends when someone realizes that the boy at the next table, who looks so different, is really so much like them. It ends when we see the humor, the love, and the ordinary rituals that connect us all.
In 2025, President Trump issued a wave of controversial pardons that raised eyebrows across the political spectrum. While presidential clemency is a constitutional power, the pattern of recipients suggests a troubling trend: those with wealth, influence, or political loyalty were far more likely to receive mercy than those without.
The Donors and Allies Who Walked Free
Juan Orlando Hernández: The former president of Honduras was convicted of trafficking over 400 tons of cocaine into the United States. His pardon followed lobbying efforts by Trump ally Roger Stone. Roger Stone, by the way, was pardoned by President Donald Trump on December 23, 2020. He received a full and unconditional pardon for his conviction related to charges of lying to Congress, witness tampering, and other offenses connected to the investigation into Russian interference in the 2016 U.S. presidential election. Stone had been sentenced to 40 months in prison, but his sentence was commuted and then fully pardoned by Trump.
David Gentile: Orchestrated a $1.6 billion Ponzi-style fraud targeting over 10,000 investors. Praised by Trump’s pardon czar Alice Marie Johnson.
George Santos: Convicted of wire fraud, identity theft, and campaign finance violations. A vocal supporter of Trump.
Changpeng Zhao: Founder of Binance, convicted of money laundering. Binance had promoted Trump family crypto ventures.
Trevor Milton: Founder of Nikola, convicted of securities fraud. His business aligned with Trump’s economic messaging.
Rod Blagojevich: Former Illinois governor who attempted to sell Obama’s Senate seat. A former contestant on Trump’s “Celebrity Apprentice.”
Devon Archer: Convicted in a $60 million bond fraud. His ties to Hunter Biden were used by Trump to fuel political attacks.
BitMEX Co-founders: Pardoned for violating anti-money laundering laws. Their crypto influence aligned with Trump’s push for digital finance.
Henry Cuellar and wife: Facing federal bribery charges. Trump framed their case as DOJ overreach.
Michele Fiore: Convicted of charity fraud involving police memorial funds. A vocal MAGA supporter.
Scott Jenkins: Involved in a “cash-for-badges” scheme. Tied to Trump-aligned law enforcement circles.
Let’s, also, not forget the 1600 MAGA-merch-wearing insurrectionists who were pardoned by Trump for their attack on the Capital and Capital Police. He called them heroic patriots.
These pardons share a common thread: political loyalty, economic influence, or usefulness to Trump’s narrative. While no direct bribes have been proven, the optics suggest a system where clemency is granted not based on justice, but on proximity to power.
Meanwhile, over 80 Venezuelan boatmen—accused of drug smuggling but never tried—were killed in U.S.-led maritime strikes. They had no lobbyists, no campaign donations, no celebrity connections. They didn’t “Pay to Play.” They paid with their lives, and Trump and Hegseth should pay for their “Kill them all” war crimes with Impeachment and prison.
I haven’t written a blog since my best friend John passed away a few weeks ago. It’s hard to find the right words when the silence left behind feels louder than anything I could write. I always considered John to be my best friend, and I tried to be his best friend. There was plenty of competition, though—he treated all his friends as best friends. That was John. He didn’t ration affection. He didn’t play favorites. He made you feel like the center of the room, even when the room was full. And somehow, you believed it—because with John, it was true.
John lived in Long Beach, Long Island with his wife Margaret. In a twist worthy of a song lyric, he met his wife Margaret one night while we were out celebrating my birthday. They raised three remarkable children—Eileen, Andrea, and Johnny—each carrying forward a piece of his spirit. Eileen, who illustrated my children’s book, lives upstate with her husband Christopher and their two children, Jack and Nora. Andrea is a scientist, married to Mark, and together they’re devoted Phish fans. Johnny works behind the scenes on television stages and at Lincoln Center, a quiet craftsman in the world of performance.
John and I met in 1971 at the N.Y. Telephone Co. We bonded over music, mischief, and the kind of friendship that doesn’t need explaining. We played on the same Telephone Company softball team, The Newtown Suns. He loved Family and Friends, Baseball, Music, and Long Beach. One year, Eileen gave him a birthday gift that lit him up—a guest DJ spot on a radio station in Woodstock, NY. That was one of his best days. He was in his element, spinning tracks and stories like he’d been born for it.
We had plenty of great times together. I went to all his parties, and after I moved to Lancaster, he came out here a few times a year to cheer on the Lancaster Barnstormers with me.
I have dozens of CDs he made for me. I can listen to them and think about him, but nothing can replace him. John loved Baseball, especially the Yankees. So, now that he joins Willie, Mickey, and the Duke in a Field of Dreams somewhere, I’ll play this song for him.
As America prepares for the No Kings Rally — a celebration of democratic resistance and constitutional humility — it’s worth asking: what kind of kingdom are we resisting?
Recent headlines suggest we’re not just dealing with a president. We’re dealing with a monarch-in-waiting, armed not with a crown, but with a blacklist.
He’s already renamed the Department of Defense the Department of War — now he’s eyeing the Department of Justice for a makeover: the Department of Vengeance.
Donald Trump has made no secret of his desire to punish his political enemies. He’s called himself “your retribution”. He’s floated criminal referrals for Letitia James, who dared to hold him accountable for civil fraud. He’s targeted James Comey and John Bolton, not for crimes, but for defiance. And he’s done it all while testing the waters of public appetite for vengeance — a campaign strategy that doubles as a loyalty test.
This isn’t justice. It’s grievance cosplay.
The so-called Department of Vengeance isn’t a real agency, but it might as well be. Trump’s allies have proposed purges of federal institutions, loyalty oaths for civil servants, and even a new “Department of Government Efficiency” — a euphemism for gutting agencies that don’t kiss the ring.
Let’s be clear: this is not about restoring order. It’s about rewriting the rules so that dissent becomes disloyalty, and accountability becomes treason.
And yet, the system resists. Grand juries refuse to indict political targets. Judges push back. Juries — those pesky peers — still ask for evidence, not vendettas. The machinery of democracy may be creaky, but it hasn’t collapsed. Journalists, too, are standing up. They walked out of the Pentagon after they refused to sign agreements that they would only write approved stories.
So, as we gather for the No Kings Rally, let’s remember: the crown isn’t just a metaphor. It’s a warning. When a leader builds a Department of Vengeance, he’s not just settling scores. He’s auditioning for tyranny. Trump is a wannabe Fascist, but like John Bolton once said, “To be a fascist, you have to have a philosophy. Trump’s not capable of that. You know, Adolf Hitler wrote a profoundly troubling book called Mein Kampf — My Struggle. Donald Trump couldn’t even read his way all the way through that book, let alone write something like it.”
Nonetheless, Dumb Donnie wants his revenge fantasies. We just want to keep our republic. Join the rally and help us.
Joseph Goebbels, Hitler’s Minister of Propaganda, is most often associated with the quote: “If you repeat a lie often enough, people will believe it, and you will even come to believe it yourself.” Goebbels’ propaganda strategy was repetition, emotional appeal, and the manipulation of public perception.
Jen Psaki recently aired a chilling montage: 36 Sinclair-affiliated newscasters in 36 different cities reciting the same exact script, word for word. It wasn’t a blooper reel—it was a broadcast strategy to “flood the zone” with their message. “If you repeat a lie often enough, people will believe it.” Ironically, their message was “We’re concerned about the troubling trend of false news…” Obviously, the irony was lost on them. What are the odds that 36 different opinion influencers in 36 different cities all had the very same word-for-word opinion about a current problem? You have better odds of hitting the Powerball Grand Prize. When 36 newscasters in 36 different cities say the same exact thing, it’s not journalism—it’s choreography.
This isn’t just lazy journalism. It’s tactical repetition—a propaganda technique. Joseph Goebbels believed that if you repeat a lie often enough, it becomes truth, not through evidence, but through echo. The modern Republican messaging follows this blueprint with eerie precision. When a false claim emerges—whether about elections, vaccines, or climate—it’s not debated. It’s deployed. Within hours, the same phrases surface across Fox News, congressional tweets, and local radio. It’s not persuasion. It’s programming. This isn’t about disagreement. It’s about manufactured consensus. The goal isn’t to win an argument—it’s to flood the zone with noise until truth becomes indistinguishable from fiction.
It starts with Centralized Messaging: GOP operatives distribute talking points like marching orders. The purpose is Repetition Over Reason: The same phrases—“weaponized DOJ,” “rigged election,” “woke indoctrination”—are repeated ad nauseam. Then comes the Emotional Anchoring: Lies are tied to fear, patriotism, or outrage, bypassing logic and triggering tribal loyalty. The final step is to Flood the Zone. Currently, the Republicans are blaming the government shutdown on Democrats. Not with nuance, not with evidence, but with a synchronized chant: “Democrats are shutting down the government to give billions in healthcare to illegal aliens.” It’s an outrageous lie. A loud, coordinated, cynical lie. But it’s everywhere—on cable news, in press releases, across social media. The goal isn’t persuasion. It’s saturation. “If you repeat a lie often enough, people will believe it, and you will even come to believe it yourself.”
This isn’t new. But the scale, speed, and shamelessness of its practitioners are unprecedented.
When truth becomes optional, democracy becomes ornamental. Plato warned that unchecked rhetoric leads to tyranny. Goebbels promoted it. And today’s Republican echo chamber is actually proving that it works in real time. They were able to get a twice impeached, convicted rapist and felon elected to the highest office by spreading lies without caring if they were true or not, “They’re eating the dogs!”
We don’t need censorship. We need media literacy, moral clarity, and the courage to call the repetition of lies what it really is: a weapon.
History has a way of repeating itself—not in the details, but in the echoes. As I watch the current administration deploy Marines and National Guard troops into American cities to confront protests over ICE raids and immigration policy, I can’t help but feel a chill. It’s not just the uniforms or the optics. It’s the precedent. And for me, that precedent begins not with Donald Trump—but with Abraham Lincoln.
Yes, Lincoln. The man most Americans revere as our greatest president. But I’ve long questioned that legacy. Lincoln, in my view, was a stubborn, hardheaded leader who plunged the nation into a war that cost over 650,000 lives. A war he believed would be over in months. A war he arguably provoked.
Let’s rewind to Fort Sumter. No one died in the initial bombardment. The only casualties came when a cannon exploded during the surrender ceremony—one Union soldier died. Yet Lincoln used that moment to summon 75,000 troops, escalating a regional standoff into a full-blown civil war. He suspended habeas corpus, jailed political opponents, and silenced dissent in border states like Maryland. All in the name of preserving the Union.
Fast forward to today. Trump, facing protests over immigration enforcement, has summoned federal troops into cities like Los Angeles—against the wishes of governors and mayors. He’s accepted a $400 million jet from Qatar, raising serious constitutional questions about foreign influence and the Emoluments Clause. He’s used executive power to reshape the judiciary, roll back civil rights protections, and stoke division at every turn.
And yet, like Lincoln, he claims to be saving the nation.
The parallels are uncomfortable. Both men faced divided nations. Both used federal power to suppress opposition. Both were hailed as heroes by some and tyrants by others. When John Wilkes Booth shot Lincoln, he shouted “Sic semper tyrannis”—thus always to tyrants. That wasn’t just a madman’s cry. It was a sentiment shared by many in the South who saw Lincoln not as a liberator, but as a despot.
Today, many Americans—especially those on the political left—see Trump in the same light. A man willing to tear the country apart to preserve his own power. A man who, like Lincoln, may be remembered not just for what he did, but for what he destroyed in the process.
This isn’t a defense of Booth, or of violence. It’s a plea for perspective. We must stop mythologizing our leaders and start scrutinizing them. Lincoln’s war may have ended slavery, but it also ended hundreds of thousands of lives. Trump’s war—if it comes—may not be fought with muskets and bayonets, but with executive orders, surveillance, and militarized streets.
History doesn’t repeat, but it rhymes. And right now, the tune sounds all too familiar.
On July 20th, 1969, the world watched as the United States did something that seemed impossible—we landed a man on the moon. It was the birthday of my little brother, Kevin, who’s no longer with us. I was serving in the U.S. Navy, stationed at a small communications base in Todendorf, Germany, not far from the Danish border. That moon landing was more than just a scientific milestone. For me—and for millions of people—it marked the end of one war and the beginning of something radically hopeful.
After World War I, Germany was occupied by the French. After World War II, they were occupied by the Americans. Germans resented being second-class citizens in their own land. I know; I lived it. German parents warned their children not to associate with us. German girls who dated American servicemen faced sharp social backlash. There were three bars near our base and the neighboring German army camp—each one was a nightly battleground of bruises and booze, Americans and Germans clashing like ghosts of wars we never fought.
Then the moon changed everything.
The man behind the Saturn V rocket that carried the Apollo 11 crew to the moon was a German scientist named Wernher von Braun—formerly of the Nazi regime, yes, but now repurposed for peace. America and Germany, once locked in mortal combat, had collaborated to do the impossible. On July 20, 1969, two old enemies became pioneers—the hostilities of World War II ended, and something shifted. Almost overnight, we went from occupiers to honored guests. German fathers who once wouldn’t let their daughters near us were now shaking our hands and offering schnapps as we drank toasts to the American/German achievement. Things just got really good, really fast.
It helped that the Summer of Love was going strong —and not just in San Francisco. Europe was catching the fever. The British Invasion had brought music across the Atlantic to America earlier in the decade, but now American artists were reclaiming center stage. Multi-day concerts like Woodstock were turning music into a communal ritual. Europe wanted its own Woodstock.
England hosted the now-legendary Isle of Wight Festival in late August 1970. Hendrix. The Doors. The Who. Sly & the Family Stone. Joni Mitchell. Over half a million people filled the cliffs of Afton Down and tore down the fences in protest. It was glorious madness.
Germany followed suit.
That September, the Love and Peace Festival was held on the island of Fehmarn, near the town of Putgarten. It was a short drive from our base—maybe 20 or 30 kilometers. A few of us rock n rollers who were known for public drinking and private hash smoking got our tickets early. It was going to be our Woodstock. We had no tent, no gear—just youthful optimism and a plan to get as high as possible and see Jimi Hendrix.
Friday, September 4th, 1970: we arrived cold and wet. The rain came in sheets. We pushed in close to the stage and parked ourselves in the open, surrounded by tents and strangers. The picture of Jimi performing shows the crowd and the tents. We had no cover, no shelter, just mud and music. The crowd thickened. The lights faded. We sat shivering and soaked, waiting for Jimi Hendrix, who we were told would perform that night.
A stage announcement told us otherwise—he wouldn’t go on due to the weather. He was “rescheduled” for Saturday afternoon. (Years later I found out that this was all a lie. He wasn’t actually scheduled to perform until Sunday. He was performing two shows in Munich that Friday and Saturday.)
Disappointed but too cold and stoned to argue, we sat dejected in the mud. Finally at three A.M. we were roused out of our sluggishness by Mungo Jerry singing his happy little ditty, In the Summertime. Listening to bubble gum music while we sat shivering in the mud was the last straw. We trudged through the mud, “found” a hole in the fence, located our car, and went back to base where we took long hot showers and then slept.
By late morning, we were back in the muddy field, but with raincoats and a few supplies this time. The lineup that day included The Faces with Rod Stewart and Canned Heat, among other acts, but the crowd was tired. The mud was deeper, and the promises fewer.
Another announcement: Hendrix had been moved to Saturday night. We stayed. More bands played. More rain came.
Later: Another rain delay was announced. Jimi Hendrix would play Sunday morning instead.
We were miserable. Wet. Angry. Doubting.
And then came Sly and the Family Stone came onto the stage.
Sly emerged in the cold and the drizzle, standing there like a priest before a congregation in despair.
“Is anybody out there gettin’ wet?” We all groaned back at him. “Could you be any wetter?” he inquired. “No!” we yelled back at him.
“Well, if you’re already soaking wet and you can’t get any wetter” he shouted, “you’ve got nothing to lose. Get up, and dance to the funky music.”
The band exploded into “Dance to the Music,” and the crowd surged into life. We stomped, shimmied, and slipped in the muck, grinning like lunatics. For a moment, we weren’t miserable. We were in it—just as much as anyone in Max Yasgur’s field a year earlier. That was our Woodstock.
Unfortunately, their set eventually ended, and we catapulted back to grim reality. We didn’t go back to base, though. We slept in the mud. We weren’t taking any chances on missing Hendrix.
Sunday morning: more announcements. Hendrix wasn’t coming out until the sun did. In for a penny, in for a pound. We waited.
And then, the sun appeared. And the moment we’d waited for arrived:
“Ladies and gentlemen, The Jimi Hendrix Experience.”
The crowd booed. They had waited in the mud for two days, and they took out their frustration on the band.
Six hundred thousand cold, wet, burned-out souls let out the anger that had grown larger with each stage announcement that Jimi wasn’t going to play in the rain. But, now, Jimi just stood there in the sunshine, took it all in, and casually said:
“We don’t give a fuck if you boo. Just boo in key. Give us a second to tune up.”
He struck a single, sharp chord. It echoed like a thunderclap across the island.
And then the spell began.
What followed was unlike anything I’d ever seen. Jimi’s hands weren’t playing guitar—they were conjuring it. Notes bent like light in a prism. Sounds came from corners of the sky I didn’t even know existed. The audience fell into a trance. When Jimi Hendrix ended his set and walked offstage with a simple “Thank you,” there was silence.
Actual silence. No one clapped. We were all dazed, slack-jawed, staring at the stage. Did we just see what we just saw, or are we tripping? When we realize that what we saw was real, the dam broke, and we roared and cheered for 10 minutes. Then 600,000 people got up to leave.
A voice from the stage: “Wait, wait! We still have six more bands! Procol Harum is next!”
No one cared. No one could follow what we had just seen. We walked away in silence, with mud on our boots and stars in our eyes.
Four days later, we got the news that Jimi Hendrix was gone, found dead in London. And now, this week, Sly Stone has joined him.
They’re headlining tonight in Rock ‘n’ Roll Heaven. And you better believe that when I hear them play, I’ll be getting up and dancing to the funky music.
For those of you, too young to remember this. On November 18, 1956, during a reception at the Polish Embassy in Moscow, Soviet Premier Nikita Khrushchev addressed Western diplomats amidst the tense atmosphere of the Cold War. The world was still reeling from the aftermath of World War II, and the ideological struggle between capitalism and communism was at its peak.
Khrushchev, known for his fiery rhetoric and bold proclamations, declared:
> “Мы вас похороним!” > (Pronounced: “My vas pokhoronim!”)
Translated literally, this means “We will bury you!” The statement sent shockwaves through Western nations, intensifying fears of Soviet aggression and the potential for nuclear conflict. We started building bomb shelters and holding air-raid drills.
The phrase, however, was a subject of misinterpretation due to cultural and linguistic differences. In Russian, the expression is a common idiom akin to saying “We will outlast you” or “We will be present at your funeral.” It’s not necessarily a direct threat of violence but rather a prediction of the eventual triumph of one system over another.
Khrushchev later clarified his remarks, stating:
> “I once said, ‘We will bury you,’ and I got into trouble. Of course, we will not bury you with a shovel. Your own working class will bury you.”
This reflects the Marxist belief in the inevitable collapse of capitalism due to its internal contradictions, leading to a proletarian revolution.
Khrushchev was a complex figure. He criticized Stalin’s brutal regime and introduced reforms to reduce oppression. He launched the Virgin Lands Campaign to boost food production. Under his leadership, the USSR launched Sputnik, the first artificial satellite, marking a significant achievement and initiating the space race with the United States.
Yet, his approach to diplomacy was often unorthodox. In 1960, he banged his shoe on a desk at the United Nations to emphasize a point. His decision to place nuclear missiles in Cuba led to a critical standoff with the United States in 1962, known as the Cuban Missile Crisis.
In November of 1956, Krushchev predicted that Russia would outlast the United States, because our people would overthrow our government. In November of 2024, 75 million Americans did just that when they elected Donald Trump, a pro-Russian Putin puppet, as President. Today, in the same U.N. building where Krushchev once banged his shoe on a desk to protest a U.N. decision, the United States turned its back on Ukraine and voted with Russia on a U.N. proposal. It took almost 7 decades for Krushchev’s prediction to come true, but our own working class has finally buried us. I just hope we can dig ourselves out.
My brother asked me how he could unsubscribe from my blog, as he is tired of hearing me rant about Donald Trump’s wickedness. You know what? I’m tired of it too, but somebody has to do it. My brother is a Conservative, so I responded to him with the words used by the most famous Conservative in American politics, the late Barry Goldwater, who in his 1964 Republican convention acceptance speech said, “I would remind you that extremism in the defense of liberty is no vice. And let me remind you also that moderation in the pursuit of justice is no virtue!”
Those of you who are over 100 years old know how Hitler and the Nazis rose to power, but, with the help of AI, I’ll summarize it for the rest of you.
Hitler’s rise to power and the dismantling of democracy in Germany was a calculated and systematic process. Here are some key steps he took:
Appointment as Chancellor: On January 30, 1933, President Hindenburg appointed Hitler as Chancellor of Germany.
Reichstag Fire: On February 27, 1933, the Reichstag building (German parliament) was set on fire. Hitler used this event to claim that communists were plotting against the German government.
Reichstag Fire Decree: Following the fire, the Reichstag Fire Decree was passed, which suspended civil liberties such as freedom of speech, press, and assembly.
Enabling Act: On March 23, 1933, the Enabling Act was passed, giving Hitler the power to enact laws without the involvement of the Reichstag. This effectively gave him dictatorial powers.
Elimination of Political Opposition: Hitler banned all political parties except for the Nazi Party and its affiliates. Trade unions were also banned.
Control Over Institutions: The Nazi regime took control over the economy, media, army, and judiciary, consolidating power and eliminating any potential opposition.
To me, the Reichstag Fire Decree sounds a lot like the Patriot Act. The Enabling Act sounds a lot like Executive orders by the President. Control over Institutions – We have billionaires controlling the major media outlets, and the ones they don’t control are called “fake news.”
Comparing current events to the rise of Nazism can be a bit of a stretch, but it’s always good to stay informed and engaged in the political process. Democracy thrives when citizens are active participants. If you’re concerned about specific policies or trends, consider getting involved in advocacy, staying informed through diverse news sources, and participating in elections. Your voice matters.
The United States no longer has a robust system of checks and balances. Trump is the President. His MAGA followers control both houses of Congress and are afraid to contradict him and be primaried out of office. Trump appointed many of the Supreme Court Judges and they repaid him by saying that the President has immunity from crimes committed while in office. Two billionaires, Rupert Murdoch and Jeff Bezos, control much of the print media and Fox news. Elon Musk, the richest man in the world, and Mark Zuckerberg control social media, and were given front row seats at Trump’s inauguration. I see Democracy slipping away. Already there is a bill in Congress proposed by Rep. Andy Ogles to allow Donald Trump to have an unprecedented third term.
This proposal aims to amend the 22nd Amendment to allow a president to be elected for up to three terms. It’s a significant change and would require a constitutional amendment, which is a complex and challenging process. I think they will first try to make the constitutional amendment process easier. That might get the 2/3 vote required way more easily.
The key mechanisms Hitler and the Nazi Party used to systematically dismantle democracy in Germany’s Weimar Republic.
Exploitation of Democratic Weaknesses
The Weimar Republic’s constitution had Article 48, which gave the president emergency powers to rule by decree in times of crisis
The Nazis took advantage of proportional representation rules that created a fragmented parliament with many small parties, making stable coalition governments difficult
Economic instability and hyperinflation had weakened public faith in democratic institutions
Strategic Use of Violence and Intimidation
The SA (Brownshirts) used street violence to create chaos and intimidate political opponents
They disrupted meetings of other political parties and attacked their members
This violence was then used to justify “emergency measures” to restore order
Control of Information and Propaganda
Joseph Goebbels led a sophisticated propaganda campaign that:
Blamed Germany’s problems on specific groups (especially Jews and communists)
Presented Hitler as Germany’s savior
Used new technology like radio and film to spread Nazi messages
Independent newspapers were either shut down or brought under Nazi control
Legal and Constitutional Manipulation
The Reichstag Fire (which many historians believe the Nazis orchestrated) was used to pass the Reichstag Fire Decree
This decree suspended basic civil rights including:
Freedom of speech
Freedom of the press
Right to assembly
Privacy of postal and telephone communications
The Enabling Act effectively ended democracy by allowing Hitler to pass laws without parliamentary approval
Institutional Takeover
A process called Gleichschaltung (coordination) brought all aspects of society under Nazi control
State governments were stripped of authority
Trade unions were abolished and replaced with the Nazi-controlled German Labor Front
Professional organizations, youth groups, and cultural institutions were nazified
The civil service was purged of “unreliable” elements
Economic Control
Major businesses were pressured to support the regime
Jewish-owned businesses were systematically excluded from the economy
A massive rearmament program created jobs and economic dependency on the regime
Creation of a Police State
The Gestapo (secret state police) was established
A network of informants was created to report dissent
Concentration camps were established for political opponents
Elimination of Opposition
Other political parties were banned
Opposition leaders were arrested or forced into exile
The Night of the Long Knives eliminated potential rivals within the Nazi movement itself
Military Control
The army was forced to swear a personal oath of loyalty to Hitler
Military leadership was gradually replaced with Nazi loyalists
Social Engineering
Education was reformed to indoctrinate youth with Nazi ideology
The Hitler Youth organization was made mandatory
Women were pushed out of professional life
Racial laws were implemented to exclude “undesirable” groups
The effectiveness of these mechanisms lay in their gradual implementation and their appearance of legality. Each step seemed to respond to a crisis or need, making it harder for opponents to rally resistance. The process took advantage of existing democratic structures and turned them against democracy itself.
For almost a century, we have been saying, “It can’t happen here.” Re-read those 10 key mechanisms that Hitler employed and you will already see many modern equivalents, and Trump’s only been in office for a week. Just as Hitler had a plan, Trump has Project 2025.
Trump has already pardoned 1500 of his “Brown shirts,” though they have traded in their brown shirts for red baseball caps. The Supreme Court has already declared Trump immune from prosecution for any crimes he commits while in office. So, he’s immune and he can pardon any criminals who commit crimes for him. Many of Trump’s opponents have received death threats, and Trump has taken away their security details to make it easier for his thugs to harm the opposition.
Immigrants are the Trump equivalent to Hitler’s Jews. The deportations have already started and the detainment centers are on their way. Major businesses have already been pressured to support the regime, and their multi-million dollar contributions were rewarded with front-row seats to the Inauguration. FEMA funds for the California fires are being held back to punish the Democratic leadership in the State of California.
I’d love to go back to writing the fluff pieces and the funny articles that my brother likes, but the Barbarians are no longer at the gate. They tricked us into opening the gate, and we voted them in. Now, it may already be too late, but we have to try and stop them if we do not want to see government of the people, by the people, and for the people perish.